Treaties and Proclamations  

Treaties Related or Leading to the Philippine-American Wars 

• Protocol of Peace  (Washington, U.S.A., August 12, 1898)

 
• Terms of Capitulation  (Post-Land Battle of Manila, August 14, 1898)

• Treaty of Peace  (Paris, France, December 10, 1898)

• Bates-Sultan Treaty  (Jolo, Sulu Archipelago, August 20, 1898)

 
• Treaty to Purchase the Islands of Cagayan Sulu and Sibutu, Philippines  (Washington, U.S.A., March 23, 1901)

[ Source of Treaty Texts:  The Statutes At Large of the United States of America from March 1897 to March 1899 and Recent Treaties, Conventions, Executive Proclamations, and The Concurrent Resolutions of the Two Houses of Congress, Volume XXX, published by the U.S. Government Printing Office, 1899. Copy courtesy of the U.S. Library of Congress, Asian Division.] 
 

 Table of Proclamations & Manifestos: 
 

Date	Title of Document	Source of  Document
April 23, 1898	Proclamation:  -Governor-General Davila  Urging  the Filipino People to Unite Behind Spain in the Spanish-American War
	Proclamation: -Governor-General Davila Calling for Special Military Service
May 1898	Manifesto: -Aguinaldo Exhortating the Filipinos To Prepare for the Coming of the Americans and Not To Heed Governor Davila's Call
May 24, 1898	Proclamation: -Aguinaldo Declaring Himself as Dictator
May 31, 1898	Manifesto: -Pedro A. Paterno Urging the Filipino  People to Side with Spain in the Spanish-American War
June 9, 1898	Manifesto:  Aguinaldo's Provisionary Government Refuting Paterno's May 31st Manifesto by the
June 23, 1898	Aguinaldo's Promulgation of the Constitution of the Philippine Revolutionary Government
July 20, 1898	Secretary of State William Day's Letter Instructing Singapore U.S. Consul To Avoid Unauthorized Negotiations with Emilio Aguinaldo
July 23, 1898	Aguinaldo's Letter Addressed to Gen. Thomas Anderson Protesting the Disembarkation of U.S. Troops Without Notice
August 6, 1898	Manifesto: - Calling for Support and Recognition of the Philippine Revolutionary Government by the Superpowers
December 1898	Agoncillo's Protest Statement Against the Treaty of Paris	1
December 21, 1898	President William McKinley's "Benevolent Assimilation" Proclamation	1
January 4, 1899	Proclamation : -General Otis' Claim of  U.S. Sovereignty Over the Philippines	1
January 5, 1899	Manifesto: -Aguinaldo's  Protest Against the U.S. Claim of Sovereignty Over the Philippines	2
January 24, 1899	Agoncillo's Memorial to the U.S. Senate Not to Vote for the Treaty of Paris, Addressed to the U.S. Secretary of State	1
February 5, 1899	Manifesto: -Aguinaldo Recognizing the Outbreak  of  Filipino-American Hostilities	1
April 4, 1899	Proclamation by the First Philippine (Schurman) Commission
May 5, 1899	U.S. Offer of Autonomy [that Divided the Filipino Nationalists]	1
June 2, 1899	Pedro Paterno's Proclamation of War	1
June 12, 1899	Manifesto: -Aguinaldo Reminding the Filipino People on the Importance of the Independence Struggle	2
April 7, 1900	McKinley's Letter of Instruction the the Second  Philippine (Taft) Commission
April 19, 1901	Proclamation: -Aguinaldo's  Formal Surrender	1
July 4, 1902	Proclamation: -Formally Ending the Philippine "Insurrection" and Granting of Pardon/Amnesty by President Roosevelt	3

Protocol of Peace
 

A truce signed in Washington, D.C. on August 12, 1898, between the United States and Spain ordering the ending of hostilities of the Spanish-American War of 1898.  Signing in behalf of Spain was France's Ambassador to the U.S. Jules Martin Cambon and U.S. Secretary of State William R. Day.

Significant feature:

Defined the right of the United States to "occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace [Treaty of Paris, later on] which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines."

Full Text of Protocol of Peace

Terms of (Manila) Capitulation
 

It is a Seven-Point surrender terms signed on August 14, 1898 between the U.S. and the Spaniards after the latter had surrendered in the Land Battle of Manila.

Significant feature:

Terms assured the Spanish surrender to the Americans "under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American Army," rather than facing a humiliating surrender to the "vengeaful" Filipinos.

Full Text of Terms of (Manila) Capitulation

Treaty of Peace (Paris) 

 

A treaty signed in Paris, France on December 10, 1898 between the United States and Spain, formally completing the "unfinished business" of Peace Protocol.

Significant features:

Acknowledges the insurrections of Cuba and the Philippines [directed toward Spain].  Transfer of sovereignty of the ceded territories from Spain to the United States.  Provides for ratification of the treaty by both Spain and the U.S. and subsequent exchange of ratified treaties.  Spain "sold" the Philippines to the United States for $20 million.

Full Text of Treaty of Paris

Bates-Sultan of Jolo (Sulu) Treaty 

 

A treaty signed in Jolo, Philippines on August, 20, 1899 between the United States' General John Bates and the Sultan of Jolo, Hadji Mohammed Jamalol Kiram II.

Significant features:

Declares the Archipelago of Jolo as a territory separate from the Philippine Islands;  U.S. recognizes the quasi-government status of the Sultanate.  The treaty tolerated slavery in the Archipelago of Jolo.  Recognizes the "consent of the governed" principle in the event of transfer of sovereignty by virtue of sale of the archipelago to any foreign power.

Full Text of Bates Treaty

---

William R. Day, Secretary of State of the United States, and His Excellency Jules Cambon, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of France at Washington, respectively possessing for this purpose full authority from the Governements of the Uniuted States and the Government of Spain, have concluded and signed the following articles, embodying the terms on which the two Governments have agreed in respect to the matters hereinafter set forth, having in view the establishment of peace between the two countries, that is to say: 

Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title of Cuba. 

Spain will cede to the United States the Island of Puerto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States. 

The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines. 

Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Puerto Rico, and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies; and to this end each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, appoint Commissioners, and the Commissioners so appointed shall, within 30 days after the signing of the protocol, meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adjacent Spanish islands; and each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, meet at San Juan, in Puerto Rico, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of Puerto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies. 

The United States and Spain will each appoint not more than five Commissioners to treaty of peace and the Commissioners so appointed shall meet in Paris no later than October 1, 1898. And proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, which treaty shall be subject to ratification according to the respective constitutional forms of the two countries. 

Upon the conclusion and signing of this protocol, hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each Government to the commanders of its military and naval forces. 

Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by the undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the 12th day of August 1898. 
 

(Signed)	William R. Day U.S. Secretary of State
(Signed)	Jules Cambon French Ambassador to the U.S. (Signing for and in the behalf of Spain)

The undersigned having been appointed a commission to determine the details of the capitulation of the city of Manilla and its suburbs and the Spanish forces stationed therein, in accordance with the agreement entered into the previous day by Major General Wesley Merritt, United States Army, American commander in chief in the Philippines, and His Excellency Don Fermin Jaudenes, acting General in chief of the Spanish Army in the Philippines, have agreed upon the following:
 
 

1.	The Spanish troops, European and native, capitulate with the city and its defenses, with all the honors of war, depositing their arms in the places designated by the authorities of the United States, and remaining in the quarters designated and under the orders of their officers, and subject to the control of the aforesaid United States authorities, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the two belligerent nations. All persons included in the capitulation remain at liberty, the officers remaining in their respective homes, which shall be respected as long as they observe the regulations prescribed for their government and the laws in force.
2.	Officers shall retain their side arms, horses, and private property.
3.	All public horses and public property of all kinds shall be turned over to staff officers designated by the United States.
4.	Complete returns in duplicate of men organizations, and full lists of public property and stores shall be rendered to the United States within ten days from this date.
5.	All questions relating to the repatriation of officers and men in the Spanish forces and of their families, and all of the expenses which said repatriation may occasion, shall be referred to the Government of the United States at Washington. Spanish families may leave Manila at any time convenient to them. The return of the arms surrendered by the Spanish forces shall take place when they evacuate the city or when the American Army evacuates.
6.	Officers and men included in the capitulation shall be supplied by the United States, according to their rank, with rations and necessary aid as though they were prisoners of war, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the United States and Spain. All the funds in the Spanish treasury and all other public funds shall be turned over to the authorities of the United States.
7.	This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educational establishments, and its private property of all descriptions are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American Army.
	F.V. GREENE, Brigadier-General of Volunteers, United States Army. B.P. LAMBERTON, Captian, United States Navy. CHARLES A. WHITTIER, Lieutenant-Colonel and Inspector-General E.H. CROWDER, Lieutenant-Colonel and Judge Advocate NICHOLAS DE LA PERRA, Auditor General Exemo. CARLOS, Coronel de Ingenieros JOSE, Coronel de Estado Mayor

The United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, in the name of her august son Don Alfonso XIII, desiring to end the state of war now existing between the two countries, have for that purpose appointed as plenipotentiaries: 

The President of the United States, 

William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid, citizens of the United States; 

And Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, 

Don Eugenio Montero Rios, president of the senate, Don Buenaventura de Abarzuza, senator of the Kingdom and ex-minister of the Crown; Don Jose de Garnica, deputy of the Cortes and associate justice of the supreme court; Don Wenceslao Ramirez de Villa-Urrutia, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Brussels, and Don Rafael Cerero, general of division; 

Who, having assembled in Paris, and having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due and proper form, have, after discussion of the matters before them, agreed upon the following articles: 

Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. 

And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under international law result from the fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and property. 

Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following line: 

A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and twenty seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel of four degrees and forty five minutes (4º 45') north latitude, thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty five minutes (4º 45') north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty five minutes (119º 35') east of Greenwich, thence along the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty five minutes (119º 35') east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7º 40') north, thence along the parallel of latitude of seven degrees and forty minutes (7º 40') north to its intersection with the one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning. 

The United States will, for the term of ten years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the United States. 

The United States will, upon the signature of the present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question shall be restored to them. 

Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, which is to continue in force until its provisions are completely executed. 

The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, livestock, and materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences, shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months, to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase such material from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between the two Governments on the subject shall be reached.

Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release all prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned for political offences, in connection with the insurrections in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United States. 

Reciprocally, the United States will release all persons made prisoners of war by the American forces, and will undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines. 

The Government of the United States will at its own cost return to Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, according to the situation of their respective homes, prisoners released or caused to be released by them, respectively, under this article. 

The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of either Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other Government, that may have arisen since the beginning of the late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for indemnity for the cost of the war. 

The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain relinquished in this article. 

In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of Spain. 

And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers, can not in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such individuals may be. 

The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may exist in the archives of the Peninsula. Where any document in such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested. Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of Spain in respect of documents in the archives of the islands above referred to. 

In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in the islands above referred to, which relate to said islands or the rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives and records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons shall without distinction have the right to require, in accordance with law, authenticated copies of the contracts, wills and other instruments forming part of notorial protocols or files, or which may be contained in the executive or judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the islands aforesaid. 

Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions, being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making, before a court of record, within a year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in default of which declaration they shall be held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside. 

The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress. 

The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the free exercise of their religion. 

The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside, pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they shall have the right to appear before such courts, and to pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the courts belong. 

Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be determined according to the following rules: 

1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private individuals, or in criminal matters, before the date mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in due form by competent authority in the territory within which such judgments should be carried out. 

2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment before the court in which they may then be pending or in the court that may be substituted therefor. 

3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its jurisdiction until final judgment; but, such judgment having been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the competent authority of the place in which the case arose. 

The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and in Porto Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works, not subversive of public order in the territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of duty into such territories, for the period of ten years, to be reckoned from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. 

Spain will have the power to establish consular officers in the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present treaty. 

The Government of each country will, for the term of ten years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage duties, as it accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the coastwise trade. 

It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the time of its occupancy thereof; but it will upon termination of such occupancy, advise any Government established in the island to assume the same obligations. 

The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. 

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight. 
 

[Seal] William R. Day	[Seal] Eugenio Montero Rios
[Seal] Cushman K. Davis	[Seal] B. de Abarzuza
[Seal] William P. Frye	[Seal] J. de Garnica
[Seal] Geo. Gray	[Seal] W. R. de Villa Urrutia
[Seal] Whitelaw Reid	[Seal] Rafael Cerero

Between Brigadier-General John C. Bates, representing the United States, of the one part; and his Highness, the Sultan of Jolo, the Dato Rajah Muda, the Dato Attik, The Dato Calbi, and the Dato Joakanain, of the other part: it being understood that this agreement will be in full force only when approved by the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United States, and will be subject to future modifications by the mutual consent of the parties in interest. 

The sovereignty of the United States over the whole Archipelago of Jolo, and its dependencies, is declared and acknowledged. 

The United States flag will be used in the Archipelago of Jolo, and its dependencies, on land and sea. 

The rights and dignities of His Highness the Sultan, and his Datos, shall be fully respected; the Moros are not to be interfered with on account of their religion; all religious customs are to be respected, and no one is to be persecuted on account of his religion. 

While the United States government may occupy and control such points in the Archipelago of Jolo as the public interests demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of His Highness the Sultan, unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power; and, where the property of individuals is taken, due compensation will be made in each case. 

Any person can purchase land in the Archipelago of Jolo and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purchase shall immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States Government. 

All trade in domestic products of the Arrchipelago of Jolo, when carried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands, and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited, and undutiable. 

The Sultan of Jolo shall be allowed to communicate direct with the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the Commanding Officer of Jolo or against any Naval Commander. 

The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except under specific authority of the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. 

Piracy must be suppressed and the Sultan and his Datos agree to heartily cooperate with the United States authorities to that end, and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. 

Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Moros, the government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the government of the Sultan by the United States authorities if in their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crimes or offenses will be delivered to the United States authorities for trial and punishment. 

Any slave in the Archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. 

In case of any trouble with subjects of the Sultan, the American authorities in the islands will be instructed to make careful investigation before resorting to harsh measures, as in most cases serious trouble can thus be avoided. 

At present, American or foreigners wishing to go into the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities and ask for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better. 

The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon them. 

The United States will not sell the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan of Jolo. 

The United States government will pay the following monthly salaries: 
 

To the Sultan  To Dato Rajah Muda  To Dato Attik  To Dato Calbi  To Dato Joakanain  To Dato Amin Hussin  To Dato Puyo  To Hadji Butu  To Hadji Mura  To Serif Saguin

$250.00 (Mexican dollars)  $ 0 75.00  $ 0 60.00  $ 0 75.00  $ 0 75.00  $ 0 60.00  $ 0 60.00  $ 0 50.00  $ 0 10.00  $ 0 15.00

Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day of August, A.D. 1899 (13 Arabmil Ahil 1317). 
 

(Signed)	John C. Bates,  Brigadier General, United States Volunteers		His Highness Padukka Mahasari  Manulana Hadji Mohammed  Jamalul Kiram II, the Sultan of  Jolo, in a rare photo taken in 1910.
(Signed)	Hadji Mohammed Jamalol Kiram  Sultan of Jolo
(Signed)	Datu Rajah Muda  Datu Attik  Datu Kalbi  Datu Joakanain

Between Spain and the United States of North America, hostilities have broken out.

The moment has arrived to prove to the world that we posses the spirit to conquer those who, pretending to be loyal friends, take advantage of our misfortunes and abuse our hospitality, using means which civilized nations consider unworthy and disreputable.

The North American people, composed of all the social excrescences, have exhausted our patience and provoked war with their perfidious machinations, with their acts of treachery, with their outrages against law of nations and international treaties.

The struggle will be short and decisive. The God of Victories will give use one as brilliant and complete as the righteousness and justice of our cause demand. Spain, which counts upon the sympathies of all the nations, will emerge triumphantly from this new test, humiliating and blasting the adventures from those  States that, without cohesion and without a history, offer to humanity only infamous traditions and the sorry spectacle of Chambers in which appear united insolence and defamation, cowardice and cynicism.

A squadron manned by foreigners, possessing neither instruction nor discipline, is preparing to come to this Archipelago with blackguardly intention of robbing us of all that means of life, honour, and liberty. Pretending to be inspired by a courage of which they are incapable, the North American seaman undertake as an enterprise capable of realization of the substitution of Protestantism for the Catholic religion you profess, to treat you as tribes refractory to civilization, to take possession of your riches as if they were unacquainted with the rights of property, and to kidnap those persons whom they consider useful to man their ships or to be serviceable in agricultural or industrial labour.

Vain designs! Ridiculous boastings!

Your indomitable bravery will suffice to frustrate the attempt to carry out their plans. You will not allow the faith you profess to be made a mockery of, with the impious hands placed on the temple of the true God, the images you adore to be thrown down by unbelief. The aggressors shall not profane the tombs of your fathers, they shall not gratify their lustful passions at the cost of your wives' and daughters' honour, or appropriate the property that your industry has accumulated as a provision for your old age. No, they shall not perpetrate any of the crimes inspired by their wickedness and covetousness, because your valour and your patriotism will suffice to punish and abase the people who, claiming to be civilized and polished, have exterminated the natives of North America instead of bringing to them the life of civilization and of progress.

Filipinos, prepare for the struggle, and united under the glorious Spanish banner, which is ever bedecked with laurels, let us fight with the conviction that victory will reward our efforts; against the shouts of our enemies let us resist with Christian decision and the patriotic cry of "Viva Espana!"

Whereas it is necessary to adopt every possible means for the defence of this territory and to render assistance to the army and the fleet in the approaching operations against the United States of North America, I order:
 

1.		It is hereby declared that a state of war between Spain and North America exists.
2.		All public functionaries of the State and the municipalities, not exceeding 50 years of age and not physically unfit, are obliged to take up arms in defence of the country and serve whenever they are required. They will proceed, at once, to their offices and lodge their names and serve under their present chiefs.
3.		All Spaniards and sons of Spaniards (although not born in the Peninsula) above the age of 20 and not more than 50, living in the Provinces, are also hereby required to take up arms.
4.		All those not comprise in the foregoing are at liberty to serve as Volunteers,
	(a)	All native Spaniards who are not employed in the public offices.
	(b)	All those who are under 20 and more than 50 years of age, and who are strong enough to endure the fatigue of a campaign.
	(c)	All foreigners (except North Americans) who are domiciled in Manila or in the capitals of the Provinces.
5.		The General Sub-Inspector will organize these Volunteers, and distribute them as required for defensive purposes.
6.		Public functionaries will receive their orders for military service from their respective administrative chiefs.
7.		From this date no one capable of bearing arms is allowed to leave these Islands. This prohibition does not apply to those whoa re seriously ill.

To My Compatriots:

Divine Providence is about to place independence within our reach, in a manner most acceptable to a free and independent people.

The Americans, not for mercenary motives but for the sake of humanity, in response to the woes of the persecuted, have thought fit to extend their protecting arm to our beloved country, now that they have been obliged to sever their relations with Spain on account of the tyranny practiced in Cuba to the great prejudice of the large commercial interests with the Americans have there. An American squadron is at this moment preparing to sail for the Philippines. We, our brothers, fear you may be induced to fire on the Americans, No, brothers, never make this mistake. Rather blow out our own brains that treat with enmity those who are your liberators.

Your natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your misery and your woe, are the Spaniards who rule you. Raise against your weapons and your hatred. Understand well, against the Spaniards; never against the Americans. Do not heed to Governor-General's decree, calling you to arms, even though it cost you your lives. Die rather than be ungrateful to our American liberators. The Governor-General calls you to arms. Why? To defend your Spanish tyrants? To defend those who have despised you and in public speeches called for your extermination -those who have hatred you belittle better than savages? No! no! a thousand times, no!

Glance at history and you will see that in all Spain's wars undertaken in the Far East, Philippine blood has been sacrificed; we were sent to fight for the French in Cochin China over a matter which in no way concerned us; we were forced by Simon de Anda to spill our blood against the English, who in any case, would have been better rulers than the Spaniards; every year our sons are taken away to be sacrificed in Mindanao and Sulu against those who, we are led to believe, are our enemies when, in reality, they are our brothers, fighting like us, for liberty. After such a sacrifice of blood against the English, the Annamites, the Mindanaos, etc., what reward or thanks have we received form the Spanish Government? Obscurity, poverty, the slaughter of our dear ones. Enough, brothers, of this Spanish tutelage!

Note that the Americans will attack by sea and prevent any reinforcements coming from Spain, therefore the insurgents must attack by land.

You will, probably, have more than sufficient arms, because the Americans, having arms, will find means to help us. Wherever you see the American flag, there flock in numbers. they are our redeemers.

Our unworthy names ar nothing, but we will invoke the name of the greatest patriot our country has seen, certain in the hope that his spirit will be with us and guide us to victory, our immortal Jose Rizal.

Fellow-Filipinos:

The Great North American nation, example of true liberty, and, as such, the freind of freedom for our country oppresses and subjugated by the tyranny and despotism of its rulers, has come to offer its inhabitants protection as deceisive as it is disinterested, regarding our unfortunate country as gifted with sufficient civilization and aptitude for self-government. In order to justify this high conception formed by us by the great American nation, we ought to abstain from all acts which would destroy that opinion, such as pillage, robbery and every kind of outrage against persons or property. Soas to avoid intentional conflicts during the period of our campaign, I order as follows: --
 

Article 1.	The lives nad properties of all foreigners shall be respected, including in this denomination the Chinese and all Spaniards who have not dfirectly or indirectly contributed to the bearing of arms against us.
Article 2.	Those of the enemy who shall surrender their arms shll be, in like manner, respected.
Article 3.	Medical establishments and ambulances shall alsoo be respected as well as the persons and effects connected therewith, provided they show no hostility.
Article 4.	Persons disobeying the above three articles shall be summarily tried and executed if their disobedience should lead to assasination, indendiarism, robbery or rape.

I love our country as none other does. I want it to be great, free, and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its desires and aspirations. Therefore, I respect all the vital forces in it as the cost of my life and my fortune. A long time ago I risked my existence for the rights and liberties of the Filipino people, who are solely agitated, buy the bringing the majority together, and directing the salvation of their interests based on liberty and justice. My ideas are neither strange nor new; they are the result of study and political experience, and not recently conceived under the existing circumstances. I desire, with all the vehemence of my soul, to see my country strong and great -its honour and dignity respected and in the enjoyment of the greatest happiness. But however great our efforts may be we need an ally. 

Let us imitate the example of the Great Powers; they cannot exist alone, however strong and great they may be. They need help, and the union of strength increases their power. Russia seeks France; Germany seeks Italy and Austria. Unhappy is the Power that isolates itself! And what better ally can we have than Spain, a nation with which we are united for nearly four centuries in religion, laws, morals, and customs, understanding full well her virtues and her defects? The evil days of colonialization are over, and by dint of experience and the sacrifice of blood, Spain has understood that we are already of age, and require reforms in our country such as the formation of Philippine Militia, which gives us the force of arms, and the Consulting Assembly, which gives us the power of speech, participation in the higher public employments, and the ability to control the peaceful development and progress of society. 

Spain is at war with the United States; we neither know that nation nor its language. The Americans will endeavor by all imaginable means to induce us to help them against Spain. And then, alas! they, the all-powerful, will absorb us and reward our treachery to Spain by betraying us, making us slaves and imposing upon us all the evils of a new colonization. On the other hand, by helping Spain, if we die, we do so in the fulfillment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. We shall not die! No! Under the flag which shields us and our garrisons, fighting with faith, decision, and ardour, as a county does which yearns to be free and great, the enemy will disappear like the wave which washes the seashore. Let us hope to obtain from Spain all the good that the American stranger can offer us. 

Let us help our old ally, our old friend Spain, and realize, with her, more quickly our aspirations. These are they: --With the greatest decentralization possible consistent with national unity, the organization and attributions of public powers must be based on three principles: 

(1)  Spanish sovereignty
(2)  Local representation
(3)  Colonial Government responsibility.

 Three institutions correspond to these three principles, viz.: 

(1)  The institution of the General Government of the Philippines. 
(2)  The Insular Deputation or Philippine Assembly.
(3)  The Governative Council. 

In this way the rights of the Government and those of the Colony are harmonized. Let us shun the policy of suspicion and doubt. With these form and solid guarantees let us establish civil and political liberty. The Assembly, representing the will of the people, deliberates and resolves as one would treat one's own affairs in private life, and thus constitutes the legislative power of the Archipelago. It resolution will be put into practice with all fidelity by the executive power in its character of responsible government. There are only Spaniards in the Archipelago; we are all Filipinos and all European Spaniards. Such is the programme of the party who want home rule for the Philippines -ever Spanish! Thus shall we see the destinies of this country guided under the orange and red flag. Thus will my beloved country be governed, without detriment to the integrity of Spain. Finally, under Spain our future is clear, and with all certainty we shall be free to rule. 

Under the Americans our future is cloudy; we shall certainly be sold and lose our unity; some provinces will become English, others German, others French, others Russian or Chinese. Let us struggle, therefore, side by side with Spain, we who love the Philippines united and free. Long live Spain!

A better phrase, or idea, could not be found with which to reply to the Manifesto of Don Pedro A. Paterno, published in El Comercio of the 2nd instant, than the epigraph which leads these lines.

Señor Paterno begins by saying that he loves his country as none other does; he wants it to be great, free and happy, and to shape its own destinies according to its own desires and aspirations. Would to God such beautiful language represented the truth, for it is just what we wish and what we have long ago, been aiming at, at the risk of our lives and property, as proved by our actions and our arguments, especially since the middle of the glorious year of 1896, the period in which we commenced the conquest, by force of arms, of our most cherished liberties. May Señor Paterno forgive us if we cite a little of the history of this movement, so that he may see that neither are we ungrateful, nor are we acting with precipitation, but as a logical and undeniable consequence of the vile conduct and bad faith of the Spanish Government.

For over 300 years the country slumbered in ignorance of all that referred to its rights and political liberties. It was resigned to the Spanish government system of spoliation, and no one thought of reforms. But when the Revolution of September, 1898, broke out in Spain and overthrow the throne of Isabela II, the first revolutionary leaders, inspired by ideas of humanity and justice, caused an Assembly of Reformists to be established here, of of the members of which, if we remember rightly, was Don Maximo Molo Paterno, father of Don Pedro. The Assembly agreed and proposed good and appropriate reforms, amongst which was that relating to the incumbencies which were monopolized by the friars. What did the Spanish Government do with these reforms? What did the friars do? Ah! though it may appear cruel to Senor Paterno, historical facts oblige us to remind him that the Government, in agreement with the friars, engineered the military uprising of the City of Cavite in January, 1872, and at the instigation of its authors and accomplices, sentenced the secular priests Father Jose Burgos, Father Jacinto Zamora, Father Mariano Gomez, parish priests of Manila, Santa Cruz, and Bacoor (Cavite) respectively, to be garotted. Moreover, another secular pries, Father Augustin, the Philippine lawyers and landed proprietors, Don Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Don Antonio Regidor, Don Pedro Carillo, Don Jose Basa, and others, amongst whom as Don Maximo Molo Paterno, the father of Don Pedro, were banished to the Laden Islands. This virtuous grand old man (Don Maxim Pattern) did indeed (and we proclaim it with pride) make sacrifices of health and fortune for the advancement of the liberties of his native country. From the year 1872 the Spanish Government carried on a persistent persecution of all the Philippine reformers by unjust imprisonment and banishment. In 1888 the authorities went so far as to prosecute 700 representative men of the suburbs of Manila, simply for having presented a petition of rights and aspirations to the Governor-General Don Emilio Terrero, 

There is not a single insalubrious island or glory corner in the country which was has not been forced home of some banished Filipino. No one was sure of his personal liberty; none were safe in their homes, and if three or four Filipinos met together for an innocent purpose, they were spied, arrested, and banished. Calumny has brought about enough banishments to Fernando Po, Chafarinas Islands, Cueta, and other  African and Spanish places to demonstrate the bad faith, cruelty, and injustice of the Spanish Government with respect to the Filipino people. This virile, intelligent people received the supreme decree of reforms with joy and enthusiasm, sharing the feelings of those who felt in their souls the flame of liberty. This people worked, through legitimate channels, to advance its ideal, inspired by the purest loyalty of Spain. How did the Spanish Government fulfill, on its part, the decree spontaneously issued in 1868? By prosecuting and banishing the reformists, nd employing a system of terror to damped the courage of the Filipinos. Vain, ridiculous fallacy! -for it ought to have known better after three centuries of rule of that country of intelligence, birthplace of Rizal, Luna, Rosario and other living examples of Filipino energy. The Filipinos lovers of their liberty and independence had no other recourse open to them than an appeal to arms, to bring force against force, terror against terror, death for death, resolute and sworn to practice the system of fire and blood, until they should attain for the whole Philippine Archipelago absolute freedom and ignominious sovereignty of Spain. Now let us continue our comments on the Manifesto.

Señor Paterno says that a long time ago he risked his existence for the rights and liberties of the Filipino people, even at the cost of his health and his fortune. We, however, do not see how he put into practice such magnificent ideas, for what we do know is that Señor Paterno passed his younger days in Madrid, where, by dint of lavish expenditure, he was very well treated by the foremost men in Spanish politics, without gaining from Spain anything whereby the Filipino people were made free and happy during that long period of his brilliant existence. On the contrary, the very epoch of the persecutions narrated above coincided with the period of Don Pedro A. Paterno's brilliant position and easy life in Madrid, where, because he published a collection of poem under the title of "Sampaguitas," he became distinguished by the nickname of Sampaguitero. We know, also, that Señor Pateno came back to this, his native soil, appointed director of a Philippine Library and Museum not yet established, without salary, but with decoration of the Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic. This was no gain to us, no distinction to him, seeing that the same decoration was given to the Chinaman Palanca and two others, without leaving their homes to obtain them.

How are we then to understand these generous sacrifices of health and fortune for the cause of Philippine liberty? Perhaps he refers to the recently created Philippine Militia and Consulting Assembly. Well, admitting for argument sake, that with such Militia and Consulting Assembly the liberty and happiness of there Philippines were asured (a doubtful hypothesis, Señor Paterno),  this happiness is not due to Senor Paternos's efforts, but simply to the circumstances. Spain is not at war with North America, and now offers us this sugar-plum to draw us to her side to defend her against invasion.

We ask you again, Señor Paterno, where are those sacrifices? We do not see them, although we seek them with the light of impartiality, for,  as the splendor of justice shines on our flag, we should not fail to do this even for our greatest enemies, amongst whom we no not count you.

Do you allude to the Peace of Biac-na-Bato? If so, we ask, what have you done with that peace to which we subscribed in good faith, and which you and General Primo de Rivera together have stupidly and scandalously torn into shreds? You have, indeed, bungled the amnesty when many of the banished are, up to now, suffering the miseries of their sad and unjust fate.

You have put off the promised reforms which, even yet, have not come.

You have delayed the payment of the P400,000 for the second and third installments of the agreed sum.

You have not delivered into the hands of our chief, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the money of the agreed sum.

Ah! You thought that when we had surrendered to you our arms and our garrisoned strongholds -when our forces were dispersed and we were absent -you could turn back to the Government of iniquity without reflecting that Divine Providence could permit, in the hour of great injustice here emissary Don Emilio Aguinaldo to return resolved to chastise energetically the immoral and impotent Spanish Government.

Then comes Señor Paterno, telling us that however great our efforts may be in the cause of liberty, we cannot live without an ally, and that we can find no better alliance than the sovereignty of Spain. Frankly, we must say that his is inconceivably incompatible with Señor Paterno's clear intelligence. How do you understand an alliance with sovereignty? How can you imagine a people great, free and happy under the sovereignty of Spain? Señor Paterno cites, as examples, the alliances between Russia and France, Germany and Italy and Austria, Señor Paterno further says that by helping Spain in the war with the United States, if w die, we do so in the fulfillment of our duty; if we live, we shall obtain the triumph of our aspirations without the dangers and risks of a civil war. Know, Señor Paterno, and let all know, that in less than six days of (military) operations in several provinces we have already taken 1,500 prisoners, amongst whom is the Brigadier-General Garcia Pena, one Colonel, several Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and officers, besides the Governor of the Province of Bulacan, his wife and all the civil service staff of that province. We also have about 500 Philippine volunteers as prisoners, of whom 10 have died and 40 are wounded, whilst among the European prisoners there is only one wounded. This goes to prove that the Europeans were too cowardly to defend the sovereignty of Spain in these Islands, therefore we do not understand the appeal you make to the Filipinos to defend Spain as a duty, when the Spaniards themselves are heedless of that which ought to be a more rigorous and strict obligation with them, seeing that they defend their own possession which brings them so much lucre and profit. This does not say much for the duty when the favoured ones themselves forget it and trample upon it. To die today for cowardly Spain! This implies not only want of dignity and delicate feeling, but also gross stupidity in weaving a sovereignty of frightened Spaniards over the heads of brave Filipinos. It is astonishing that in the face of such an eloquent example of impotence there should still be a Filipino who defends the sovereignty of Spain.

Remember, Señor Paterno, that we make war without the help of any one, not even the North Americans; but no! we have the help of God, who is eternal ally of the great and just causes such as that which we defend against Spain -our very own beloved independence! ! !

Señor Paterno concludes by explaining his political and administrative principles on the basis of Spanish sovereignty, but, as we have charged that sovereignty with cowardice and immortality, we dismiss this details.

To conclude, we shall draw the attention of Señor Paterno to two things:, viz:
 

1.

That he commits an injustice in imputing to the North Americans the intention of taking possession of these Islands as soon as we have conquered the Spaniards, for, besides having no grounds on which to make such an allegation against a nation distinguished for its humanity like the FEderal Republic, there is the fact that its own constitution prohibits the absorption of territory outside America, in accordance with that principle laid down by the immortal Monroe, of America for the Americans.

2.

That Señor Paterno should reflect on the fact that the Spaniards would never have allowed him to publish the Manifesto had it not been for the existence and attitude of our Dictator, Don Emilio Aguinaldo. This ought to serve Señor Paterno as further proof of the cowardice of the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding all that has been shown, insist on creating discord by provoking civil war; on their heads will fall the responsibilities of the moment and of the historical past.

To Brigadier-General T.M. Anderson:

In answer to the letter of your Excellency dated the 22nd of the present month, I have the honor to manifest to you the following:

That even supposing the effects existing the store house of Don Antonio Osorio were subject to capture, when I established myself in the plaza (town) of Cavite, Admiral Dewey authorized me to dispose of everything that I might find in the same, including the arms which the Spaniards left in the arsenal. But as he was aware that the said effects belonged to the personal property (ownership) of a Filipino, who traded with them by virtue of a contribution to the Spanish Government, I would have not touched them had not the owner placed them at my disposition for the purposes of the war.

I came from Hong Kong to prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the Spanish against the North Americans, pledging, before, my word to Admiral Dewey not to give place to (to allow) any internal discord because (being) a judge of their desires I had the strong conviction that I would succeed in both objects; establishing a government according to their desires.

Thus it is that at the beginning I proclaimed the dictatorship, and afterwards, when some of the Provinces had already liberated themselves from Spanish domination, I established a revolutionary government that to-day exists, giving it a democratic and popular character, as far as the abnormal circumstances of war permitted, in order that they (the Provinces) might be justly represented and administered to their satisfaction.

It is true that my government has not been acknowledged by any of the foreign powers; but we expect that the North American nation, which struggled first for its independence and afterwards for the abolition of slavery, and is now actually struggling for the independence of Cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence than any other nation. Because of this we have always acknowledged the right of preference as to our gratitude.

Debtor to the generosity of the North Americans, and to the favors which we have received through Admiral Dewey, and being more desirous than any other of preventing any conflict which would have as a result foreign intervention which must be extremely prejudicial not alone to my nation, but also to that of Your Excellency, I consider it my duty to advise you of the undesirability of disembarking North American troops in the places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spaniards, without previous notice to this government, because as no formal agreement yet exists between the two nations, the Filipino people might consider the occupation of its territories by North American troops as a violation of its rights.

I comprehend that without the destruction of the Spanish squadron the Philippine Revolution would have not advanced so rapidly; because of this I take the liberty of indicating to Your Excellency the necessities that before disembarking troops you should communicate in writing to this government the places that are to be occupied, and also the object of the occupation, that the people may be advised in due form and (thus) prevent the commission of any transgression against friendship. I can answer for my people, because they have given me evident proofs of their absolute confidence in my government, but I cannot answer for that which another nation, whose friendship in not well guaranteed, might inspire in it (the people); and it is certain that I do this not as a menace, but as a further proof of the true ad sincere friendship which I have always professed to the North American people in the complete security that I will find itself completely identified with our cause of liberty.

Sir,

Your No. 229 of the 9th ultimo, inclosing printed copies of a report from the (Singapore) Straits Times of the same day . . .with a view to its communication to the Press, has been received and considered. By Department's telegram of the 17th of June you were instructed to avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents. The reason for this instruction were conveyed to you in my No. 78 of the 16th of June, by which the President's views on the subject of your relations with General Aguinaldo were fully expressed. The extract now communicated by you from the Straits Times of the 9th of June, has occasioned a feeling of disquietude and a doubt as to whether some of your acts may not have borne a significance and produce an impression with this Government would be compelled to regret. 

The address presented to you by the 25 or 30 Filipinos who gathered about the consulate discloses an undertaking on their part is to secure the independence of the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." Your address does not repeal this implication, and it moreover represents that General Aguinaldo was "sought out by you," whereas it had been the understanding of the Department that you received him only upon the request of a British subject . . . who formerly lived in the Philippines. Your further reference to General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey which has resulted so happily" also represents the matter in a light which causes apprehension lest your action may have laid the ground of future misunderstandings and complications. For these reasons the Department has not caused the article to be given to the Press, lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to views, the expression of which it had not authorized. 

The Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, on its establishment, explained, through the message dated 23rd of June last, the true causes of the Philippine REvolution, showing, according to the evidence, that this popular movement is the result of the laws which regulate the life of a people wich aspires to progress and to perfection by the sole road to liberty.

The said Revolution now rules in the Provicnes of Cavite, Batangas, Mindor, Tayabas, Laguna, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Nueva-Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, Union, Infanta, and Zambales, and it holds besieged the capital of Manila. In these Provinces comlete order and perfect tranquility reign, administered by the authorities elected by the Provinces in accordance with the organic decrees dated the 18th and 23rd of June last.

The Revolution holds, moreover, about 9,000 prisoners of war, who are treated in accordance with the customs of war betwen civilized nations and human sentiments, and at the end of the war it has more than 30,000 combatants organized in the form of a regular army. 

In this situation the chiefs of the towns comprised in the above mentioned Provinces, interporeting the sentiments with animate those who have elected them have proclaimed the Independece of the Philippines, petitioning the Revolutionary Government that will entreat and obtain from foreign Governments recognition of its belligerency and its independence, in the firm belief that the Filipino people have already arrived at that state in which they can and ought to govern themselves. This is set forth in the accompnaying documents, subscribed by the above named chiefs.

Wherefore, the undersigned, by virtue of the powers which belong to him as President of the REvolutionary Govrnment of the Philippines and in the anem and representation of the Filipino people, asks the support of all the powers of the civilized world, and earnestly entreats them to proceed to the formal recognition of the beliigerency of the REvolution and the Independence of the Philippines; since they are the means designated by Providence to maintain the equilibrium between peoples, sustaining the weak and restraining the strong, to the end that by these means shall shine forth and be relaized the most complete justice in the indefinite progress of humanity.

If the Spaniards have not been able to transfer to the Americans the rights which they did not possess;  if the latter have not militarily conquered positions in the Philippines;  if the occupation of Manila was a resultant fact, prepared by the Filipinos;  if the international officials and representatives of the Republic of the United States of America offered to recognize the independence and sovereignty of the Philippines, solicited and accepted their alliance, how can they now constitute themselves as arbiters of the control, administration and future government of the Philippine Islands? 

If the Treaty of Paris there had simply been declared the withdrawal and abandonment by the Spaniards of their domination --if they had such --over Filipino territory,  if America, on accepting peace, had signed the Treaty, without prejudice to the rights of the Philippines, and with a view to coming to a subsequent settlement with the existing Filipino National Government, thus recognizing the sovereignty of the latter, their alliance and the carrying out of their promises of honor to the said Filipinos, no protest against their action would have been made.  But in view of the terms of the Article III of the Protocol, the attitude of the American Commissioners, and the imperative necessity of safeguarding the national rights of my country, I take this protest, for the before-mentioned reasons but with the proper legal reservations, against the action taken and the resolutions passed by the Peace Commissioners at Paris and in the Treaty signed by them. 

1.  I respectfully submit that the United States, not having received from the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands authority to pass laws affecting them, its legislation as to their welfare possesses no binding force upon my people. 

2.  American authorities herein cited demonstrate that the Philippine Revolution was never more threatening that immediately before the breaking out of the Spanish-American War, five thousand revolutionists having been encamped near Manila three weeks before the American declaration of war, this army acting under the direction of General Aguinaldo (though he was personally absent), in whom the consular representatives of the United States reposed the highest confidence. 

3.  The purpose of the revolution was to secure independence, and, understanding this, the United States encouraged the revolutionists to believe their desires would attain fruition. this is shown by citations from the archives of the State Department and by the incidents above related. 

4.  The Philippine Republic was entitled to recognition from the United States as an independent nation before the signing of the protocol with Spain, that Government knowing that Philippine independence had been proclaimed in June, a Government de facto and de jure established, laws promulgated, and Spain's further domination impossible, being acquainted with all these facts immediately upon their happening, through documents and written reports submitted to the United States by its officers. 

5.  The American Government for months has had in its possession, as herein shown, evidence of the actual independence of the Filipinos. 

6.  Spain could not deliver possession of the Philippines to the United States, she having been ousted by their people, and in fact at the present moment the United States holds only and entrenched camp, controlling one hundred and forty-three square miles, with 300,000 people, while the Philippine Republic represents the destinies of nearly 10,000,000 souls, scattered over an area approaching 200,000 square miles. 

7.  Spain having no possession (except minor garrison posts), and no right of possession in the Philippines, could confer no right to control them. 

8.  American purchase of public buildings, etc., in the Philippine Islands was ineffective , because the Islands, having been lost by Spain to the Philippine Republic, the last-named Government had already by conquest acquired public property. 

9.  Secretaries of State of your country (including Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney) have denied the right of an ally of America to acquire by conquest from Great Britain any American territory while America was struggling for independence.  The United States Supreme Court has sustained this view.  We deny similarly the right of the United States to acquire Philippine territory by cession from Spain while the Filipinos were yet at war with that power. 

In performing this duty [the extension of American sovereignty throughout the Philippines by means of force] the military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations, and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the Islands and for the confirmation of all private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, in their employment, and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the Government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity, so far as may be possible…. 

Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of the benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the flag of the United States. 

To the People of the Philippine Islands: 

Instructions of his Excellency, the President of the United States, relative to the administration of the affairs in the Philippine Islands, have been transmitted to me by direction of the Honorable, the Secretary of War, under date of December, 1898. They direct me to publish and proclaim, in the most public manner to the inhabitants of these islands, that in the war against Spain the United States forces came here to destroy the power of that nation, and to give the blessings of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people, that we are here as friends of the Filipinos, to protect them in their homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty; that all persons, who either by active aid or honest endeavor cooperate with the government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes, will receive the reward of its support and protection. 

The President of the United States has assumed that the municipal laws of the country, in respect to private rights, and property, and the repression of crime, are to be considered as continuing in force, in so far as they may be applicable to a free people, and should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice, presided over by the representatives of the people and those in thorough sympathy with them in their desire for good government; that the functions and duties connected with civil and municipal administration are to be performed by such officers as wish to accept the assistance of the United States, chosen, in so far as it may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands; and while the management of public property and revenue, and the use of all public means of transportation, are to be concluded under the military authorities until such authorities can be replaced by civilian administration, all private property, whether of individuals or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private property be taken for military uses, it shall be paid for a fair valuation in cash, as is practicable at the time; receipts, therefore, will be given, to be taken up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and merchandise, not prohibited for military reasons by the military authorities, shall be admitted upon payment of such duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of importation. 

The President concludes his instructions in the following language: 

Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of the benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the flag of the United States.

Elwell S. Otis 
Major-General of the United States Volunteers, 
Military Governor 

[ Note: The above proclamation is the altered or bolderized version of McKinley's December 21st Presidential Proclamation ] 

General Otis styles himself Military Governor of these Islands, and I protest one and a thousand times and with all the energy of my soul against such authority. I proclaim solemnly that I have not recognized either Singapore or in Hong Kong or in the Philippines, by word or in writing, the sovereignty of America over this beloved soil. On the contrary, I say that I returned to these Islands on an American warship on the 19th of May last for the express purpose of making war on the Spaniards to regain our liberty and independence. I stated this in my proclamation of the 24th of May last, and I publish it in my Manifesto addressed to the Filipino  people on the 12th of June. Lastly, all this was confirmed by the American General Merritt himself, predecessor of General Otis, in his Manifesto to the Filipino people some days before he demanded the surrender of Manila from the Spanish General Jaudenes. In that Manifesto it is distinctly stated that the naval and field forces of the United States had come to give us our liberty, by subverting the bad Spanish Government, And I hereby protest against this unexpected act of the United States claiming sovereignty over these Islands. My relations with the United States did not bring me over here from Hong Kong to make war on the Spaniards for their benefit, but for the purpose of our own liberty and independence. . . 

My nation cannot remain indifferent in view of such a violent and aggressive seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation which has arrogated to itself the title: champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that  my government is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession.

I denounce these acts before the world in order that the conscience of mankind may pronounce its infallible verdict as to who are the oppressors of nations and the tormentors of mankind. 

Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed. 

[ NOTE: Aguinaldo's manifesto was issued as a protest against General Otis' publication endorsing President McKinley's December 21, 1898 Benevolent Proclamation claiming himself as "Military Governor of the Philippines." When Otis read this manifesto he considered it as tantamount to declaration of war by Aguinaldo.] 

To the Filipino people: 

In my edict dated yesterday, I gave public notice of the opening of hostitilites between the Filipino and the American forces of occupation in Manila, provoked by the latter in an unexpected and unjust manner.

My manifesto of January 8 lalst enumerates the affronts inflicted on the Filipino army by the army of the occupation; the proclamation of General Otis reveals the grievances of the Filipino people; the continuous outrages and taunts detail the sufferings of the people of Manila; and, lastly, the fruitless conferences and the contempt for the Filipino Government betray a premeditated purpose to flaunt justice and liberty. 

I know that war is always productive of great losses.  I know that the Filipino people, not yet fully recuperated from sacrifices in the past, are not in the best condition to bear such losses. But I know also from experience how bitter is slavery, and from experience I feel that we should sacrifice our all for the sake of our national honor and integrity so unjustly attacked. 

I have done everything possible to avoid armed conflict, in the hope of securing our independence through peaceful means and without entailing the costliest sacrifices. But all my attempts have proved vain in the face of the unmeasured pride of the American Government and its representatives in these Islands, who have insisted in considering me a rebel because I defend the sacred interests of my country, and I refuse to be a party to their foul intentions. 

Campaigns in the past must have convinced you that a people is always strong when it wills to be strong; without arms we have driven away from our beloved land the old conquerors, and without arms we can repulse the alien invasion if we so purpose. Providence always has strength and instant aid in readiness for the defense of the weak, that they not be annihilated by the strong, and that they may share the justice and the progress of humanity. 

Do not be discouraged; we have watered our independence with the blood of our martyrs; what blood will be shed in the future will serve to make it blossom anew and become sweeter. Nature is never prodigal of generous sacrifices. 

But you should remember that, in order that our efforts may not be in vain, that our counsels may be heard, and our hopes relaized, it is indispensable that we harmonize our acts with the principles of right and justice, by learning to triumph over our enemies and yet to still our evil passions. 

"Schurman, Manila. 

    "Yours 4th received.  You are authorized to propose that under the military power of the
    President, pending action of Congress, government of the Philippine Islands shall consist
    of a Governor-General appointed by the President; cabinet appointed by the
    Governor-General;  a general advisory council elected by the people, the qualifications of
    elecltors to be carefully considered and determined; and the governor-general to have
    absolute veto.  Judiciary strong and independent;  principal judges appointed by the
    President.  The cabinet and judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having
    regard to fitness.  The President earnestly desires the cessation of bloodshed, and that the
    people of the Philippine Islands at an early date shall have the largest measure of local
    self-government consistent with peace and good order."

Pedro A. Paterno garbed in a formal ceremonial garb. He was the 2nd President of the  Cabinet of the Philippine Republic known as the "Peace Cabinet" who succeded Apolinario Mabini. Together with Felipe Buencamino, Sr. and other members of his cabinet, he favored Philippine autonomy under the supremacy of the American flag and for such position, he was treathend by  arrest by Gen. Antonio Luna.                 To the Filipino people:

No one is ignorant of the fact that since we took the direction of the Ship of State we have sacrificed ourselves to the services of the government of our republic, offering ourselves as victims for the sake of peace without abandoning the sacred idea of liberty and independence which fires our country; but the North Americans refuse to suspend hostilities, asked for by us so that we may consult the National Assembly, seat of free popular sovereignty. The Commissioners returning from Manila so declare. 

Since it is their desire, may the responsibility of the war and its consequences fall on the great nation of the United States of America. 

We have done our duty as patriots and human beings, showing the great powers of the world that the present cabinet has the diplomacy necessary to protect our casue as well as the arms required to defend our rights. 

The Council of Government, deciding to preserve our republican institutions, national independence, and the presidency of Don Emilio Aguinaldo, in spite of the Americans, who intended to construct upon our ruins the edifice of tyranny, has concluded to continue the war, preserving unhurt in their spirit and letter our constitution and laws, which we have conqured with so much blood and such sacrifices. 

To war, then, beloved brothers, to war! 

In order that the people be free it is necessary that they be brave. Rich and poor, learned and ignorant, beloved Filipinos, hasten to unite to save our native land from insult and ignominy, from punishments and scaffollds, from the sad and fatal inheritance of enslaved generations. 

The God of War, in whom we have put our faith and hoppe, will help us. 

Confusion, internal and international dissensions and conflicts, rend the invading army; its volunteers, being aware that we are in the right, fight without enthusiasm and only in compliance with their forced military duty. Within the American nation itself, a great political party asks for the recognition of our rights, and the Divine Providence watches over the justice of our case. 

Forward, Filipinos, and the sun of vistory will shine upon us. 

Long live the Filipino sovereign people !! 
Long live national independence !! 
Long live the liberating army !! 
Long live Don Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the Republic  !! 

Filipinas!  Beloved daughter of the ardent sun of the tropics, commended by Providence to the care of noble Spain, be thou not ungrateful;  acknowledge her, salute her who warned thee with the breath of her own culture and civility.  Thou hast longed for independence, and thine emancipation from Spain has come;  but preserve in thine heart the remembrance of the more than three centuries which thou hast lived with her usages, her language, and her customs.  It is true she sought to crush thine aspiration for independence, just as a loving mother resists the lifelong separation from the daughter of her bosom;  it only proved the excess of affection, the love Spain feels for thee.  But thou, Filipinas, flower of the ocean, delicate flower of the East, still weak, scare eight months weaned from thy mother's breast, has dared to brave a great and powerful nation such as is the United States, with thy little army barely disciplined and shaped.  Ah, beloved brethren, all this is true;  and still we say we will be slaves to none, nor let ourselves be duped by gentle words. 
 

To the Filipino People: 

I believe that I am not in error in presuming that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune has led me is not a surprise to those who have been familiar day to day with the progress of the war. The lessons thus taught, the full meaning of which has recently come to my knowledge, suggested to me with irresistible force that the complete termination of hostilities and a lasting peace are not only desirable but absolutely essential to the welfare of the Philippines. 

The Filipinos have never been dismayed by their weakness, nor have they faltered in following the path pointed out by their fortitude and courage. The time has come, however, in which they find their advance along the path impeded by an irresistible force - a force which, while it restrains them, yet enlightens the mind and opens another course by presenting to them the cause of peace, This cause has been joyfully embraced around glorious and sovereign banner of the United States. In this manner they repose their trust in the belief that under its protection our people will attain all the promised liberties which they are even now beginning to enjoy. 

The country has declared unmistakably in favor of peace; so be it. Enough of blood; enough of tears and desolation. This wish cannot be ignored by the men still in arms if they are animated by no other desire than to serve this noble people which has clearly manifested its will. 

So also do I respect this will now that it is known to me, and after mature deliberation resolutely proclaim to the world that I cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace, nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see their dear ones in the enjoyment of the liberty promised by the generosity of the great American nation.

By acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the entire Archipelago, as I now do without any reservations whatsoever, I believe that I am serving thee, my beloved country. May happiness be thine! 

Whereas, many of the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago were in insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the Kingdom of Spain at divers times from August, eighteen hundred and ninety-six, until the cession of the archipelago by that Kingdom to the United States of America, and since such cession many of the persons so engaged in insurrection have until recently resisted the authority and sovereignty of the United States; and 

Whereas, the insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the United States is now at an end, and peace has been established in all parts of the archipelago except in the country inhabited by the Moro tribes, to which this proclamation does not apply; and 

Whereas, during the course of the insurrection against the Kingdom of Spain and against the Government of the United States, persons engaged therein, or those in sympathy with and abetting them, committed many acts in violation of the laws of civilized warfare, but it is believed that such acts were generally committed in ignorance of those laws, and under orders issued by the civil or insurrectionary leaders; and 

Whereas, it is deemed to be wise and humane, in accordance with the beneficent purposes of the Government of the United States towards the Filipino people, and conducive to peace, order, and loyalty among them, that the doers of such acts who have not already suffered punishment shall not be held criminally responsible, but shall be relieved from punishment for participation in these insurrections , and for unlawful acts committed during the course thereof, by a general amnesty and pardon: 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the power and authority vested in me by the Constitution, do hereby proclaim and declare, without reservation or condition, except as hereinafter provided, a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all persons in the Philippine Archipelago who have participated in the insurrections aforesaid, or who have given aid and comfort to persons participating in said insurrections , for the offenses of treason or sedition and for all offenses political in their character committed in the course of such insurrections pursuant to orders issued by the civil or military insurrectionary authorities, or which grew out of internal political feuds or dissension between Filipinos and Spaniards or the Spanish authorities, or which resulted from internal political feuds or dissension among the Filipinos themselves, during either of said insurrections : 

Provided, however, That the pardon and amnesty hereby granted shall not include such persons committing crimes since May first, nineteen hundred and two, in any province of the archipelago in which at the time civil government was established, nor shall it include such persons as have been heretofore finally convicted of the crimes of murder, rape, arson, or robbery by any military or civil tribunal organized under the authority of Spain, or of the United States of America, but special application may be made to the proper authority for pardon by any person belonging to the exempted classes, and such clemency as is consistent with humanity and justice will be liberally extended; and 

Further provided, That this amnesty and pardon shall not affect the title or right of the Government of the United States, or that of the Philippine Islands, to any property or property rights heretofore used or appropriated by the military or civil authorities of the Government of the United States, or that of the Philippine Islands, organized under authority of the United States, by way of confiscation or otherwise; 

Provided further, That every person who shall seek to avail himself of this proclamation shall take and subscribe the following oath before any authority in the Philippine Archipelago authorized to administer oaths, namely: 

"I, ________________ , solemnly swear (or affirm) that I recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States of America in the Philippine Islands and will maintain true faith and allegiance thereto; that I impose upon myself this obligation voluntarily, without mental reservation or purpose of evasion. So help me God." 

Selected Bibliography: 

1. Kalaw, Teodoro M., The Philippine Revolution , Jorge B. Vargas Filipiniana Foundation, Mandaluyong, Rizal, 1969 

2. Foreman, John, The Philippine Islands , Charles Scribners Sons, New York, 1906 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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